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We are glad to offer commenting on our site but we cannot be responsible for people who abuse the privilege. The 5-foot, pound Goodson played three years of basketball at Gonzaga, three years of football at Baylor and will now be a year-old rookie with the Packers.

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While children account for more than half the population in war zones, less than three percent of humanitarian funding is spent on their protection, according to the charity, which helps children affected by conflicts and war around the world.

The truth is, whilst food, water and shelter are daily necessities, they do not keep a child in war safe from harm, Williams said in a statement as the campaign was launched.

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The UN will have to bear all this in mind as the Geneva discussions evolve. In particular, the account focuses on those aspects of the events that will be put to further analysis in the subsequent sections.

Data were triangulated and where only one source provides data related to an event, the source is identified Stott et al.

The interviews were transcribed and read several times. This process was informed by the theoretical approach and the understandings and perceptions of the specific groups: For the police interviews, the analysis focused on police understandings of their role, their strategy and tactics used to police German fans and how these relate to those aspects of fan behaviour identified as relevant within the behavioural account.

Again, following the theoretical approach, the analysis focused on the fans perception of the event and attitudes toward outgroups, the views of ingroup behaviour and intergroup relations and any further points of interest and emerging issues that seemed to be relevant.

The right-hand margin was used to annotate these themes. These notes were organised and sorted into categories and subcategories.

From this a coding scheme was developed and again applied to the interviews. Codes were assigned to the transcripts. Segments were grouped under each code before they 43 were related to issues from the interactional context, as it was described in the behavioural account.

For each theme a verbatim extract from the interviews is presented that best illustrates the analytical point. Results Behavioural account The majority of the German fans followed the team during the group phase where they played the Netherlands and Latvia in Porto and the Czech Republic in Lisbon.

The fixture between the Netherlands and Germany was initially drawn to take place in the city of Aveiro. However, given the perceived risks to public order posed by this fixture a decision was taken by the Organising committee to move the game to Porto for organisational and safety reasons c.

The match was scheduled for 15 June and many German fans had begun to arrive in Porto some days prior to the game.

However, the first significant mass gathering of fans began on June By mid afternoon large numbers of Dutch and German fans had gathered in the pubs, cafes and on the squares of the city centre of Porto.

Small numbers of fans from other nations were also present in the city, such as Greeks, English, Danes and Swedes. The Porto city authorities had assigned official zones to the two fan groups, each set up with a stage and a big video screen.

However, fans were not strictly segregated and mixed at these locations and elsewhere in the city centre. According to information from the Dutch and the German police delegations, about German and 60 Dutch hooligans were also present in Portugal.

The strategic approach adopted for the tournament by the PSP was oriented toward the facilitation of lawful and carnival behaviour among fans.

Central to this was a desire to avoid the use of indiscriminate force against crowds as a whole in circumstances where only a minority within the crowd were causing problems.

The use of force policy for the PSP explicitly stated: The idea is that officers in normal uniform would work in pairs facilitating lawful behaviours and monitoring the crowd for any emergent problems.

If minor problems were identified they would have the capability for low level intervention. If this was not sufficient these police could call upon larger squads who could deploy with or without helmets and batons depending upon the level of risk.

If the situation was still not resolved the Corpo could be deployed. Supporting this were teams of plain clothes officers working in small groups of approximately five officers.

These teams would be embedded in crowds monitoring for and reacting to risks. Not all officers from these units were completely invisible. Some took up foot patrols but did so without any of their protective equipment.

Consequently, on the evening of the 14th the Ribeira was crowded with fans. We observed about people gathering in the Ribeira between In the centre of the Ribeira was a Dutch brass band, playing well known and traditional party songs.

The area was densely crowded so groups were in close proximity and many positive interactions between the groups and between individuals were observed.

At around this time a confrontation between a small group of Dutch and German fans took place amidst the crowd. Approximately five German fans had begun to provoke Dutch fans.

According to police accounts a group of plain clothed officers noticed the problem and intervened to verbally instruct the German fans to stop but the German fans then began to physically 45 confront these officers.

The five Germans were immediately arrested and removed them from the scene. This behaviour went on for at least 30 minutes and tensions began to emerge among Dutch supporters gathered nearby.

According to our semi structured observations at around Shortly afterwards, the chanting faded and the officers withdrew. Our observations record that throughout these incidents the Dutch brass band continued to play and positive interactions continued elsewhere in the Square.

During the whole night we observed no further incidents. The positive fan behaviour continued on the following match-day where prior to the game thousands of Dutch supporters gathered in the Lisboa Square.

Information was obtained by the Dutch police delegation that there was an intention of Dutch fans to march to the stadium some five kilometres away, rather than use public transport.

Rather than prevent this, Portuguese police made the decision to facilitate the march. From a member of our research team, it was reported to us that around 6 p.

The police profile remained very low and no riot police or vehicles were observed in the vicinity. As the crowd proceeded through the streets traffic police managed the roadways.

Local Portuguese came onto the streets, balconies and windows to applaud the Dutch fans. At the front and ahead of the march were teams of Dutch and German police officers.

As the march proceeded at times small groups of German fans came onto the streets and some shouted hostility at the Dutch fans.

Those that did were approached by the German and Dutch police and required to move. The march eventually arrived at the stadium without incident.

Following the match the two fan groups again mixed and celebrated at the Ribeira. Taken together, the data indicates that an approach was taken to safety and security for this fixture that allowed for peaceful encounters between fans from Germany and the Netherlands and was facilitated by the low profile policing of the PSP.

Officers in normal uniforms and plain-clothes officers patrolled the sites. However it was evident that they were ready for and engaged in relatively rapid, differentiated interventions in situations where risks to public order began to emerge.

Policing approach With regard to the Netherlands Germany fixture the visiting police made reference to concerns about the presence of German hooligans in Portugal.

They are in the country. Instead reflecting the overall police strategy the police referred to their commitment to interaction, communication and targeted interventions.

An approach made possible due to the deployment of plain clothes officers in close proximity to the crowds. We are looking for the situations, through the fans, always looking for something.

To prevent that things happen. When we think that things are going to happen, we act. The Head of the NIP in the city provided an account of his involvement in the incidents at the Ribeira.

His account suggests 47 that because they were embedded within the crowd they rapidly became aware of the verbal provocations from the group of Germans.

He described how his officers then were able to react quickly to the emerging problem. He describes how the group then confronted the police leading to their arrest.

And it was against us. When after the first arrests another group of German fans engaged in provocations, he describes that NIP officers cordoned them off from the main crowd.

Due to their civilian clothing this movement had not been noticed, though an increased presence of officers in standard uniform had been evident.

However, the police assumed that those fans were well aware of the increasing presence of officers. The account further shows that the police closely monitored the fan behaviour and adjusted their actions according to dynamics of the risk that came from this group.

This did not only concern the escalation but also the de-escalation of risk behaviour. In this regard the PSP commander also noticed this group of -initially- provoking German fans refraining from this negative behaviour while remaining in the crowd.

And they forget that. He supposed that they deliberately withdrew and separated from the celebrating majority. Under no circumstances they wanted to be linked to the folk that was celebrating there.

Especially because there are, say, there are many Dutch, many Germans here, the rivalry had always been particularly big, therefore I had expected much more police.

Whereas, so far everything is absolutely peaceful. They are standing there, but somehow unobtrusively in the corner.

Some people I met in Porto only came because of that. Because of the match. Yes, yes and because of the trouble. What do you reckon? Do you think it will go off tomorrow?

Not in the stadium. Afterwards here in Porto maybe, in small groups. If conflict with the Dutch fans occurred it would also involve ordinary fans expressing their solidarity with one another, in terms of a historically embedded conflict between nations, i.

I think if really something happens there will be many who will join in, who are usually not like that. Just to support the own people.

Because everybody is prepared against the Dutch. And that refers to the opponent? They still talk about the war. Van Nistelrooy said in the paper today that we still have to work something out from 60 years ago.

Why does he say that? Yes, but that was in the tabloid. But the Dutch are like that. They are all like that. They just hate us more than we hate them.

German fans who had observed the arrest noticed the differentiated way of PSP policing and described the intervention against the violent fans as quick and targeted.

In the context of football it implies fights between fans or fans and the police. I just saw, well the Germans [police] are really mad, they just bang into it no matter if it is you or him or me who is standing beside it.

Here they [the Portuguese officers] have observed precisely, many plain clothes, watched: And whoosh, arm on the back, into the car, off they go.

These processes occurred amongst both sets of fans: So you regard people who do stuff like that as idiots? Not everybody thinks like that, some think that that is really great Actually I do not care at all if somebody is a Croat or English or whatever.

What do you think about the way that the police reacted? Very good, yes, it is appropriate, they were very fast and it was good, yeah.

They immediately took one down and carried him away. And this is nice. Loud music and this is good What happened to this group of people who engaged in singing these more aggressive songs?

They dissolved in the end Even fans that were interviewed later in the tournament referred to the positive context that they perceived during their stay in Portugal and linked this specifically to a sense of unity between fans from different nations.

Well, you always see some rivalry of course but Well I was down there in Porto at the harbour, where really: There were English together with Italians, Swedes, Danes, Portuguese, Germans, Latvians, all together, there was a mega party, absolutely peaceful!

All united by football and keen on having a big football feast. And this is what the hosts definitely 50 achieved: To make a football party for the fans!

Not overdoing security, or putting merchandise upfront but organising a football feast for the fans who came down here.

The analysis suggests that the policing was carried out low profile, in line with the stated security concept of the Portuguese police. A discrepancy between German fans expectations of negative group relations based on historically rooted rivalry and actual positive intergroup relations that they experienced in Portugal was evident.

From this two sets of fan identity seemed to emerge: The analysis suggests that the low profile policing contributed to this positive context.

In situations of low risk fans saw the unobtrusive behaviour of police officers related to the overall positive atmosphere. However, the impact of the policing on the festive atmosphere was even more evident during a conflict situation at the Ribeira.

Low profile policing tactics allowed for a quick and targeted arrest of confrontational fans and prevented further escalation.

The perception of this legitimate policing facilitated the shift toward an identity where category boundaries were defined in terms of non-violent behaviour rather in terms of nationality.

These findings have a great deal of correspondence with the processes that occurred among England fans that attended the tournament in Portugal Stott et al.

Research among both sets of fan groups suggests that the absence of large scale disorder can be associated with the style of policing.

While the experience of legitimate policing instigated processes of self-policing among England fans, this was not evident at the incident at the Ribeira.

However, in both cases a connection was evident between low profile policing and the support of non-violent group norms among the wider crowd and the disempowerment and marginalisation of confrontational groups.

The present study therefore provides support for the ESIM research on the absence of violence at crowd events. Suggestions can be made that 51 the processes the model proposes are not limited to a single cultural group but also apply to groups from other countries, as it was shown here with respect to German fans.

It must be noted though that the current study is not conclusive. There is need for further research in order to sustain the possibility that ESIM dynamics are cross cultural.

Processes found here could for example have been limited to the specific context of Euro at which both England and Germany fans reacted in similar ways.

Additional research is therefore suggested on German and other fan groups in different policing contexts. Implications for policing and research The positive atmosphere of the Euro has been praised e.

Deutsche Welle, ; Klemm, and considering the small arrest numbers, it can be regarded the most peaceful major football tournament in Europe in the last 30 years.

The PSP has effectively managed crowd dynamics and the fan accounts reveal the positive social psychological outcomes. A main feature here was the fact that police officers both plain cloths and visible police were embedded in the crowd, enabling them to monitor for and react to risk that was critical.

As indicated before, the issues of the approach have meanwhile been integrated in practical policing and the current paper likewise supports the application of the low profile approach as a powerful tool of managing crowd events.

A further factor for the success of Euro can be seen in the effective cooperation between research and police practice: So while comprehensive policing tactics and procedures are available, research is able to provide answers to why and under which circumstances they can be used most effectively.

This became evident when the commander explained the police intervention at the Ribeira: It may be concluded that not only the application of appropriate tactics but also the understanding of the underlying philosophy are essential for successful public order management.

Data collection was made possible through the long-term co-operation of the U. Thanks should also be extended to Klaus Boehnke from Jacobs University Bremen and Otto Adang from the Police Academy of the Netherlands, for their comments on an earlier version of this paper.

Otto Adang was also co-supervisor of the broader research project and provided some additional observations. And finally we would like to give our thanks to all the anonymous fans that attended Euro and contributed greatly to this research.

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The British Journal of Criminology 33, The Case Against Paramilitary Policing. A Guide to Methods. Apfelsinenkulturen an der Algarve: Political protest and political violence: Social Forces 55, A study of the popular mind.

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The World Cup in Germany was therefore a unique opportunity to continue the research and to see how, if, under which circumstances low profile policing works or what effect other approaches may have on fan behaviour.

In contrast to Portugal it was not obvious what kind of policing approach was intended by the German police. The authorities had published an official document where providing for safety and security was presented as the main police task and it was stated that there would be a focus on potential hooligans but it did not seem that the police saw themselves as part of the festivities.

Questions arose on how the police in Germany would understand their role, what their strategy and tactics were and how this would relate to fan behaviour.

Thanks to cooperation between the Police Academy of the Netherlands and the Ruhr-University Bochum it was possible to set up a similar methodological framework as it had been applied in Portugal.

Again it was possible to pursue a variety of research methods, including structured observations and ethnographical methods so that different tournaments could be compared.

However, it was unfeasible to cover all host cities of the country. For practical and organisational reasons the main observations focused on the three host cities of North-Rhine Westphalia.

In order to provide for a comprehensive picture of the tournament it was sought to observe both high-risk and low-risk games. At each game there were at least four observers present gathering structured observational data.

Having been encouraged by the openness of fans in Portugal, observers were also asked to conduct interviews about their perceptions of group relations.

This turned out as helpful with regard to access because fellow officers on duty seemed more willing to talk to a colleague than to a psychologist interested in group relations.

Also, as outlined in the paper, there was the question of how the findings would compare with the picture that the media had painted of this tournament.

A higher number of incidents in Germany served as a first hint that something must have been different to Portugal.

The mere comparison of other variables, however, turned out to be misleading and in some cases they had to be complemented by the qualitative descriptions to provide a full picture: In order to better understand these differences it was necessary to dig deeper.

In the paper single incidents are outlined, each of which contained the potential for conflict, using the semi-structured field notes and interviews.

Although the aim of this thesis is to present data on non-British fans, two of the incidents described nevertheless involved England fans.

This once again reflects the difficulty of observing real-life situations as group composition cannot be manipulated.

The actually biggest incident of the tournament occurred around the game of Germany versus Poland and was fully analysed in a separate study this is described in the subsequent paper.

Most other incidents we observed however involved England fans. This paper also addresses the media coverage and in particular the very positive picture that portrays the World Cup in terms of positive and cheerful fan behaviour.

In general the data confirms this behaviour but during the data collection also a number of negative encounters and incidents were recorded and it was remarkable how little of this was reported on, though it should be noted that incidents had not been disguised.

All numbers were freely available in police reports and press releases, also serving as a source of data triangulation in 57 this paper. During informal talks a number of police officers uttered similar surprise of the little media coverage of violent incidents, as they knew indeed that the World Cup had not only been a fairy tale.

In methodological respect this paper provides evidence that quantifiable data can be obtained during contemporaneous data collection and it provides valuable measures of tactics and interaction.

It even suggests that this should be carried out regularly as in doing so the comparison of strategies can be facilitated. It further promotes the application of mixed methods in conducting crowd research as the study shows that none of the methods applied on its own would have provided such a comprehensive picture.

With regard to the theoretical aspect the results suggests that legitimate group relations and positive fan behaviour were at place in Germany when policing was carried out targeted, differentiated and in relation to the situational context and the actual risk and when tolerance limits were communicated and acted upon, but we observed problems, when these conditions were not met.

Mit den etwas anderen Bildern der WM. Leider hat diese Bilder niemand in Deutschland gesehen. Yet, more than persons were arrested.

This paper presents an analysis of police tactics and deployments and its relation to the frequency of incidents and the group relations between fans and between fans and police.

The data collection was carried out within three host cities in North Rhine Westphalia in relation to ten games of the tournament, drawing on a combination of structured and qualitative observational methods.

The outcomes are mixed. Group relations were mostly positive, indicated by positive interaction between fan groups, however, frequency of incidents and arrests suggest that the tournament was not as peaceful as the media coverage may have implied.

Deeper analyses suggest that legitimate group relations and positive fan behaviour were associated with differentiated policing, carried out in relation to the situational context and the actual risk present.

The phrase furthermore described the happenings offside the pitch on the fan miles, in the public viewing zones and the city centres. It summarised the national and international euphoria in Germany, the fan parties and gatherings, the peaceful atmosphere that had characterised this tournament and that was praised by fans, officials and - not least - by the media in Germany and all over the world.

A generational change as the base for a relaxed German patriotism Mayer, may have facilitated good hosting. But was the World Cup really the fairy tale it is made out to be?

BBC-Panorama in their undercover documentation about policing and anti-social behaviour of fans and hooligans pointed to a more shady side of the tournament BBC, Also, it is less well known that about persons were arrested during Germany Mathies, numbers that were hardly communicated in the media.

Only two incidents had gained some attention: What really happened during the World Cup? This method makes it possible to gather comprehensive observational data about fan behaviour, police behaviour, group interaction, police deployment and tactics and to relate these numbers to the amount of violent incidents that occurred during the observations.

While many factors can account for the success of a crowd event, the question if it was peaceful in the end is still the major issue.

Establishing safety and security at a crowd event is both cost and staff-intensive. A peaceful event on the other hand, can serve as a perpetual system in which the positive dynamics spread and also affect initially uninvolved persons.

On the other hand not only preventing incidents but providing a platform for positive encounters is also becoming an issue for public order 60 policing, thus indicating a qualitative change from riot control to public order and crowd management Adang, Crowd behaviour The ideas and conceptions of those who handle, manage or police crowds are of great significance.

It is their understanding and their explanation of crowd behaviour that determines how a crowd is dealt with and which strategy and tactics would be applied at a concrete event.

Further it was shown that crowds are neither mad nor irrational but that most crowd events are peaceful e. Still, crowd conflict is an important issue not least because of its broad public attention and an escalated crowd conflict can indeed leave substantial destruction and may only be fought by massive use of force.

It is therefore all the more important to consider the dynamics that can evolve in a crowd situation so that measures can be taken timely and targeted.

From a causal perspective, two types of violent initiatives can be distinguished in collective settings Adang, For the escalation of collective violence, i.

It proposes that group norms can alter as a result of the interaction with the other group. This particularly applies to situations of conflict, where a change of social identity was found when crowd members perceived out-group behaviour as indiscriminate and undifferentiated.

Dependent on the situation a whole range of tactics from both approaches can therefore be applicable. The friendly but firm low profile approach The friendly but firm low profile approach turned out to fit very well with suggestions coming out of the ESI-model.

The friendly but firm low profile is characterised by a broad and flexible tactical concept that provides for quick escalation and de-escalation, high visibility of the officers and an emphasis on communication.

It is suggested that police officers are deployed in small units who are easily approachable and who themselves pro-actively get in contact with citizens and fans.

In so doing they are able to set a framework for behaviour, for example by facilitating legal aims and communicating behavioural limits, acting friendly but firm.

In case of increasing risk, the officers should then be supported by additional intervention units, possibly placed in side streets that can quickly be deployed and removed when the situation calms.

Differentiated interventions are vital for legitimate group relations. Psychologically this strategy prohibits a shift of social identity toward conflict and can lead to the marginalisation of anti-normative persons and may facilitate co-operation and identification with the police Stott et al.

The work of the officers on the ground has a 62 further, more internal effect: Being deployed within the crowds, they are able to detect developments and dynamics at a very early stage.

This information can then be fed back into the information chain and serve as additional intelligence, thus supporting information-led interventions.

The security concept of the Portuguese Security Police, PSP, was geared to this approach and went along with broad tactical measures that allowed interventions to be carried in accordance to the risk that was present in a particular situation.

An evaluation of the policing during the tournament shows that the PSP indeed followed the low profile approach Stott et al.

Stott and Adang showed that the frequency of incidents during Euro was very low compared to Euro Also, arrest figures were low, with of which 87 were arrests for football related disorder during the whole tournament COT, In several situations of conflict acts of self-policing were found and the marginalisation of persons who did not behave in accordance with this identity.

While these studies support the low profile approach and the underlying elaborated social identity model of crowd behaviour, it may yet be argued that the success of Euro was singular, merely applying for that one event or the specific groups that were present in Portugal during the tournament.

Further evidence is required, particularly to learn if the suggested relations also apply in different contexts that may be formed by national or cultural features or the understandings and philosophies of the police forces.

On the basis of previous research, we saw a successful event related to two aspects. Firstly to safety and security; indicated by the frequency and severity of violent incidents and secondly associated with a good atmosphere that manifests itself in positive inter-group relations.

Using the same methodology it was possible to compare findings from previous studies with the policing that was carried out at the WC Prior to the tournament, the Federal German home office had issued an official summary of their security concept for the WC Bundesministerium des Inneren, It must be noted however, that German police is decentralised and subject to the respective federal states, resulting in 16 different state police forces with different legislations, respectively.

The WC security concept therefore provided a framework for police conduct that was then translated into action by the individual police forces.

As had been the case for Euro and Euro , the German national framework described the use of extensive international cooperation and internal measures, e.

Unlike Euro and , it also included regional bans of internal German risk fans. Support and facilitation of fans and visitors was to be organised by the World Cup Committee and not described as police task.

No information was given on the kind of deployment and the police profile, forms of communication with fans and visitors or kinds of intervention Bundesministerium des Inneren, The current paper sets out to explore which tactics and forms of deployments were used and how this related to the overall number of incidents and the group relations.

Method The tournament was held between June 9 and July 9, Structured observations were carried out around 10 of these games 64 from the first round to one semi final, all of which being played in the three host cities of North Rhine-Westphalia NRW: Cologne, Gelsenkirchen and Dortmund.

NRW hosted 16 matches in total. In addition unstructured observations were carried out on three different occasions relating to current developments e.

With three host cities, NRW provided an ideal field for research. The dense area with its broad infrastructure allowed for easy access to the venues and quick deployment of observation teams.

Furthermore, despite the joint federal security concept, we were seeking to avoid an effect of policing culture of a particular state. The games were selected in order to cover both events with and without increased risk.

Games with participation of either Poland or England were classified as risk games. Of the 10 games we observed 6 non-risk games and 4 risk games, with two being played in Gelsenkirchen and one in Dortmund and Cologne, respectively.

An overview is depicted in table 1. Table 1 Games observed at the World Cup in Germany. Considering that the proposals of the low profile approach can best be tested around risk situations, and given that our sample contains half the risk games of the tournament, our study can be said to be representative in this respect.

The observers were trained by the authors during a course module preceding the tournament; this included information on the theoretical background, observation techniques and a final test observation around the German league match between Cologne and Leverkusen in February in Cologne.

During the tournament an observation was carried out by a team of four observers under supervision of the authors. The observers were instructed to choose areas where large groups of fans gathered, at the central station, before and inside public viewing zones, and at squares in the city centre.

Every fifteen minutes a sample was taken on the number of persons, interaction between fan groups and fans and the police, incidents and interventions.

With regard to police deployment we differentiated officers in normal uniform and officers in riot uniform. Riot police was additionally distinguished according to the kind and use of equipment.

Incidents were measured as small with at most four individuals acting violently , medium involving five to ten individuals and 66 large involving more than ten persons.

Police intervention referred to dispersal, stopping or arrests and it was noted if police had made use of force.

The structured observations were complemented by semi-structured observations, participant observations, interviews, photos and video footage.

Questions were based on a semi structured interview schedule that had been used at previous research c. Additionally, media data such as newspaper, internet articles and TV coverage was collected before, during and after the tournament.

Due to an open co-operation with the local police services we had access to actual risk assessments and had admission to speak to officers and commanders on the ground or in the command room or to conduct follow-up interviews after the tournament.

In addition to the data gathered in Germany , we also used structured observational data sets that had been collected at the European Championships in Portugal.

As the same methodology is applied at the two tournaments, this allows for a comparative analysis. Qualitative data refers to two data sets: Field notes and interviews are being used as a means of data triangulation, completing the quantitative analysis.

The qualitative descriptions from the different observers were first analysed along the main research issues: The individual reports then got summarised by triangulation of sources.

Interviews with police commanders were carried out with regard to specific issues that arose during the first analysis.

The interviews were carried out along an individual schedule that related to the specific incident. Notes were taken during 14 In particular we spoke with: Results The analysis is based on the structured observational data considering deployment, equipment, police-fan-interaction, group relations and incidents.

The quantitative findings are completed by a summary of the qualitative descriptions that the observers noted in-between sample time. Policing Police was not present in all the samples we took.

The average ratio of officers per fans was 4 at both tournaments. Other than in Portugal we found significant differences between the number of officers at risk-games and non-risk games in NRW: Considering the samples with police presence, the majority of officers in NRW were deployed in partial riot uniforms, which were present in 76 percent of samples.

These numbers relate to both risk and non-risk games in total. A nearly reverse image was displayed in Portugal where 80 percent of the officers were deployed in standard uniform and 31 percent in partial-riot, less than 1 percent were recorded wearing full-riot equipment.

Riot-vehicles were recorded in 17 percent of the samples in NRW. In Dortmund and Cologne we also observed the deployment of special communication units who patrolled the city centre.

In Dortmund and Gelsenkirchen officers in normal uniform were deployed at dedicated information points close to the central stations, in Gelsenkirchen this was also observed at the public viewing zone where officers handed out leaflets and small stickers.

These officers showed great enthusiasm and actively approached the visitors. Our data records that this was very positively valued by the visitors and fans.

In the remaining part of the city, however, only partial riot-officers were observed. This was the case in all venue cities. According to our recordings, these officers performed different activities: Communication, mere presence and also surveillance, while their actual task was not always obvious.

For example during the game of England versus Portugal we observed small units inside the public viewing zone. Some officers wore partial-riot uniform with a helmet attached to the belt.

A few meters apart we saw other officers of the same unit; without helmet or baton and wearing a t-shirt. Fan-police interaction Positive interaction between fans and police was recorded in 17 percent of the cases with police presence in NRW, nearly doubling the results of 9 percent from Portugal.

At risk games a slight but non significant trend towards an increase of communication between fans and police was found at both tournaments.

In NRW we found significant differences between 69 games with participation of the German team and the other matches: Pro-active communication from the police was only observed at information points or coming from special communication officers.

There were only small differences regarding the quality of communication depending on the risk assessment. Communication between the fan groups Data concerning the interaction between the fan groups indicate clear differences between the two tournaments, with positive interaction in 14 percent of the samples in Portugal and in 26 percent at the observed games in NRW.

Differences between risk and non risk games were not significant in Germany. Negative interaction 70 between fan groups was very low with less than 1 percent measured in Portugal and 2 percent in Germany of which nearly all occurred during risk games.

At some risk games, or between rivalling groups, groups rather did not interact, reacted neutral but treated each other with respect. Local Germans were also involved in the encounters, also old people and families.

In Germany a distinction was made between risk games and non-risk games, indicated by significantly higher numbers of visible officers and riot vehicles at risk games.

The main differences in police deployment in Portugal and Germany relate to the overall picture that police displayed. In Portugal the vast majority of officers were deployed in standard uniforms and baseball caps, while the picture of police in Germany was characterised by riot-officers.

This deployment entirely contradicts a message that NRW police had given via a PRcampaign that was run in connection to the World Cup, portraying six male and female officers all in standard uniform, welcoming guests and fans.

High numbers of positive interactions between fans and the police in NRW suggest that group relations were generally good. However, the analyses suggest that the higher figures in Germany are entirely caused by the contacts between the police and German fans.

Surprisingly, the fans and the Germans in particular seemed to have been the active part in this relationship, as our data revealed that it was more the fans who were looking for contact with the officers, rather than police engaging in pro-active communication.

German fans and local Germans were also rather active communicating with other fan groups. The recorded incidents suggest that Germany was peaceful but not as calm as the positive media coverage may imply.

Higher numbers of incidents in Germany also go along with higher arrests numbers during the tournament.

Around the 16 games that were played in Germany , NRW police detained persons due to criminal offences and were arrested preventively Wolf, It should be kept in mind though, that differences in arrest figures are not necessarily an accurate reflection of differences in the frequency of incidents.

They are rather a reflection of differences in police 15 In total German police detained about persons, for criminal offences and were taken into preventive custody during the World Cup Mathies, In doing so we are selecting incidents in all three cities.

Following the ESI-model above we are particularly looking at ways of interaction and how group relations developed in these situations.

Climbing a monument in Cologne At the evening before the group game of England versus Sweden in Cologne, numerous England fans already gathered in the city centre.

Riot police intervened and got the man from the monument. The commander in charge for this operation explained to us that the fan was drunk and he was removed because he had climbed up so high and got himself into a dangerous situation.

This view is also shared by England fans who witnessed the scene: The police get somebody from the monument. Why do you think they the police are doing it?

Who are the idiots? One, also not stopped by the police, even carried an England flag to the very top where he attached it, being applauded by the crowd.

Another England fan, trying the same, later fell down being seriously injured. Riot police intervened, taking actions to help the man.

However, misunderstandings about the situation led to a confrontation between England fans and the police, resulting in 15 injured officers and five arrests.

Stott and Pearson 16 It should be noted though, that our study also included observations around the biggest incident of the tournament, a confrontation between German fans and the police around the game of Germany versus Poland.

Bengal lights in Dortmund In Dortmund we observed different approaches of how the police dealt with the use of pyrotechnics. During the high-risk game of Germany versus Poland a Bengal light was lit in the city centre at The people sang and danced.

Two officers of the riot police were seen, a group van was parked in the background. No police intervention was recorded, also no visible police was observed.

The incident did not develop any further. The third example describes a situation after the semi-final of Germany versus Italy, also at the Alter Markt square in Dortmund.

Germany had just been thrown out of the tournament by a 0: The city was crowded with people who had been watching the game in the stadium or in the different public viewing zones.

After the semi final a lot of Germany fans assembled there but also Italians and fans from other countries. Riot police officers approached the scene.

They wore caps, no helmets.

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